Rajesh Yadav of Aurangabad was elated to read in the Prabhat Khabar newspaper the report of Caste Survey of Bihar. An elated Rajesh demanded, “If we the backward and most backward castes constitute over 63% of the population of Bihar, then we need to have that much of jobs in the government allotted to us”. Manoj Mandal of Madhubani declared, “If Extremely Backward Castes (EBC) constitute 36% of the population of Bihar, we need that much of share in the cake. All these years, we have been cheated. But now we will not lie low but demand our share”.

Vimlesh Paswan was brimming with hope once he heard about the outcome of the caste survey of Bihar. “We the Dalits or the Scheduled Castes are around 19.6% of the population of Bihar. Hence, our reservation quota should go up to 20% now and not 15% as it is practiced till now”. Thus, the caste survey of Bihar has opened up a pandora box of issues on the one hand and raised the hope among the Dalits, most backward castes and backward castes.

The caste survey report made public by the Bihar government on 3^rd October, 2023, has fundamentally and foundationally given a big blow to the BJP and Sangh Parivar politics. That is why some of the BJP politicians tried to take claim for the implementation of caste survey in Bihar. While some others, especially from the upper castes tried to find loopholes in the survey report. Mr. Narendra Modi seems distraught with the very idea of caste survey done by the Bihar government that he blamed the opposition for “trying to divide the country in the name of caste”. It is significant to note that he made this statement in Madhya Pradesh where he was campaigning for Assembly elections. Instead of talking about the issues of the people of Madhya Pradesh, he, as usual, wanted to attack the opposition.

It is the same Modi who a day before in Jagdalpur accused the opposition of “trying to divide the Hindus”. Instead of talking about the issues of the Tribals of Chhattisgarh, he decided to criticize the opposition. It is the same Prime Minister who is proud of repeatedly saying “I am a chaiwala and I come from a backward caste community”. Thus, when it suits him, he will say one thing and says something else on other occasions.

Al Jazeera on its 4^th October edition noted, “How a landmark caste census in India threatens Modi’s grip on power. The findings have the potential to upend the country’s politics, as marginalised groups demand better representation in public institutions”. Leaving the godi media, all the other print, electronic and social media have been highlighting the benefits that would accrue not only to the deprived Dalit, Tribal and Backward Castes but to the country, since those who were so far denied their rightful place and role would now come into nation- building. 

  Table 1: Caste Break-up of Bihar

Let us examine some of the salient features of this caste census report. Bihar’s total population stands at 13.07 crore and this is the second largest population next only to Uttar Pradesh. As per the caste survey, the extremely backward caste population is 36% [Table 1]. They are just one step above the Dalits and in many cases, their economic condition is similar to the Dalits. Now this revelation has given them impetus to demand for representation equal to their proportion.

Similarly, the backward castes or upper backward castes like the Yadavs, Kurmis, Koeris and Banias constitute 27%. So far, the extremely backward castes and backward castes together were given 27% of reservation as an outcome of the Mandal Commission Report and the agitation that followed. But now, knowing that they constitute over 63%, they will not be content with 27% but will demand for proportionate share.

It was projected that the Dalit or the Scheduled Caste population is only 16.5% in Bihar. But the caste census categorially states that they are 19.5%. Hence, they will also not be content with 15% reservation in jobs and positions but will ask for 20% reservation.

Table 2: Caste and Land Ownership

Source: BAMCEF

Against this backdrop, if one examines the ownership of land holding, the skewed land relation of Bihar comes to the fore. As shown in Table 2, the upper castes who are smaller in size in terms of population hold vast tracts of land. For instance, the Bhumihar, whose caste name comes from Bhumi + haraana = till the land, though constitute only 2.8% of population but own 39% of land. Many of them hold vast tracts of land though Bihar was one of the first in the country in late 1950s to implement land reform policy. Brahmins who are only 3.6% own 16% of land. Brahmins by caste are not supposed to be land owning community. They are supposed to engage in religious practices.

In contrast to this, the Dalits like the Paswans, Ravidas and Musahars who till the land by their hard labour hardly own any land. Hence, they are called ‘landless agricultural labourers’. That is, they work on land but do not own land. The truth of this caste survey when placed with the economic census would lead to revolution in this country.

From the narratives of the BJP and RSS leaders, it is crystal clear that the Bihar caste survey has erupted into a volcano to the upper caste dominance and divide and rule policy. BJP and RSS which had hoped to unify the ‘Hindus’ by projecting the Muslims as a threat to the Hindu religion, culture and Hindu Rashtra now cannot engage in this divide and rule policy since the caste survey has exposed the deep divide within the Hindus. The survey is a setback for the BJP and the RSS that have dominance over the upper castes whose population is pegged at only 15%.

Significantly, as per this survey, Hindus make up 81.99% of the state's population. The Muslims constitute 17.70%. All the others like Sikhs, Buddhists and Christians constitute just 1%. Thus, the game of projecting the minorities as a threat to Hindus is also rejected by this report.     

Bihar has often shown the way to India. In this case too, the Bihar Caste Survey has initiated demands from other parts of the country for caste-based census. Also, this would open up the demand for affirmative action in private sector. By selling out all the public enterprises of the country, the BJP and the RSS hoped to do away with reservation. But now there would be movements not only to uphold reservation, but upscale reservation as per population and also ensure reservation in private sector. This will ultimately affect the electoral plans of the BJP and the RSS.

The BJP and the RSS wanted to thrive on the Mandir and Kamandal, that is, Sanatana Dharma, which is the genesis of oppressive caste and cultural practices. The temple in Ayodhya, propaganda on uniform civil code, clash with Pakistan, etc. appeared to garner votes for the BJP. But the Bihar survey results could change the electoral prospects of the party altogether. Hence, the BJP and the RSS are in an offensive mode.

Historically, Lalu Prasad Yadav, who was a product of the Sampurna Kranti or Total Revolution of Jaya Prakash Narayan, when became the Chief Minister of Bihar initiated social engineering through the slogan ‘Social Justice’. He had declared that those who are owning land cannot also hold government posts and vice-versa. This was one of his political statements which he was not interested in implementing. Nitish Kumar too was a product of Total Revolution. He, following his predecessor, added, ‘Social Justice with Economic Justice’ and he reaped the fruit for 15 years.

If the Mahaghatbandan, the ruling coalition in Bihar, puts its acts together and reworks a reservation policy based on the data, prioritize equitable representation, empower marginalized groups, address sub-caste diversity, promote education and health care, encourage political dialogue for socio-economic justice, and maintain a short and long-term perspective, then Bihar not only will show the way for India but will show the door for the BJP too.