Paolo Freire in his book “The Pedagogy of the Oppressed” says that the oppressed gradually appropriate the oppressors’ attitudes and value-system.  It is easy enough to understand, as one usually seeks to emulate one’s betters. Upwardly mobile groups try hard to merge as early as possible into the community of those who decide issues, shape the prevalent culture, seek respect and are respected.  Newly prosperous members of humbler castes hastily put on airs of the upper castes, keep Brahminic distance from their less fortunate companions, and take advantage of them. 

In the Indian context, respectability is acquired also by keeping the code of conduct of the upper castes like social exclusions, family formalities, and religious orthodoxy. It also includes regulated food habits, self-distancing from manual labour, abstention from things considered demeaning, polluting. This is what Kancha Ilaiah, Dalit scholar, calls “brahminization” of society. This is a process that has been going on in Indian society for centuries. But with upward social mobility gathering momentum and Hindutva being its driving force, it is going to have ominous consequences. In what direction will “Hindutv-isation” take the nation?

“Republic of Hindutva”

Badri Narayan in his “The Republic of Hindutva” (Penguin, Gurgaon, 2021) tells us that “The BJP has adopted diverse strategies to construct a ‘hegemonic influence’ over Indian society (Narayan 2). Hindurashtra is in fast construction. What Mohan Bhagwat is dead set to do is to stir a vibrant “feeling of Hindutva” among the masses (Narayan 60).

Communal passion will no more be a passing emotion concluding with an occasional clash; it is going to be a fiercely determined superiority posture. “Through this new strategy communal consciousness is no longer momentary but has become an ongoing presence, proving to be more profitable politically” (Narayan 98). The reason: in a polarised society it is easier to demand inner loyalty, rouse the fighting spirit, call for heroism. The BJP has given teeth and claws to the lions on Ashoka Pillar and always present Rama and Hanuman in an aggressive pose.

Taming the Dalits

As the upper castes, Banias and newly rising OBCs are already with the BJP, the RSS in moving in new directions. “Dalits, tribals and Muslims are the groups on which the RSS is working hard”. They display demonstrative respect on the Dalit hero B.R. Ambedkar and make him an ‘icon’. They honour him for bringing dignity to the socially deprived (Narayan 23-24). They know that exalting him is one way of taking away public attention from his “trenchant” critique of Hinduism.  People’s concentration is in the direction of glorification, so that his criticism loses its edge.

Appropriating an opponent like Ambedkar, divinising his person, surrounding him with “rituals and worship”, honouring him with statues and portraits in RSS offices and at gatherings, organizing pilgrimages to Delhi, Mumbai, Nagpur, Mhow and London in his honour… all these make it difficult for his followers to draw public attention to his core message (Narayan 26). This was exactly what the Brahminic elite did with Buddha earlier, as with Bhakti saints and other popular heroes of recent times. They appropriated them and silenced them.

Creating Hindutva Heroes

Eklavya who belonged to an indigenous community was asked by Dronacharya to sacrifice his thumb, so that Arjuna of the elite Aryan society could outshine him in archery. Eklavya is glorified for his sacrifice. The suggestion is that Dalits, tribals and minorities should consider it heroic to sacrifice their talents, competence, destiny, and future, so that the dominant classes can continue to remain dominant in India. The National Education Policy will ensure that. The cruelty shown to Eklavya in seeking the sacrifice of his thumb is clean forgotten, like the injustice and the insensitivity of the top brass towards the people at humbler levels. In compensation, Eklavya is held out as a Dalit Mahapurush (Narayan 31-32). 

Suheldeo of Pasi Rajbhar caste is pictured as a ‘Hindu warrior’ against a Mulsim Ghaznavid general! (Narayan 61).  Lachit Borphukan of Assam who was fighting the arrogance of Delhi rulers (Mughals) is presented as a ‘Hindu hero’. Lachit had many Muslim soldiers in his army, who were defending the pride of Assam against evil designs from outside. A mighty statue of Borphukan is in construction in Jorhat, not as a regional hero, but a sturdy Hindu.

“Hindutva Metanarratives”

RSS pracharaks re-interpret all Dalit criticisms of the Hindutva order, soften sharp points in perspectives and wide differences in interests, and integrate their stories, memories, folklore and devotions to fit into “Hindutva’s metanarratives”. Puranas took shape in this way appropriating the tales and beliefs of newly absorbed groups making them a part of a common Hindu heritage; local divinities were presented as re-incarnations of Hindu gods and goddesses. Community heroes were divinised. 

Rani Gaidinliu of the Zeliangrong Nagas, who fought the British is made into a goddess with many incarnations. A story is developed of Krishna taking a wife from the Mishmis of Arunachal. Niam Treh of the Jaintias is appropriated. Seng Khasi is patronised. Shrines come up for Donyi-Polo of the Apatanis and other religious figures that never had shrines in earlier tradition. Namghors (prayer-houses) of the Assamese are subsidised, pilgrimages supported. Stories are constructed to link places and indigenous people with Mahabharata and Ramayana. Deceptions work. We are told that tribal votes from Gujarat to the Northeast are moving the direction of the BJP.

Dalits Become “Vanchits”

The RSS in UP made a study “to identify the most marginal castes and find out their desires”, which often included a desire to build a temple for their deity (Narayan 35). They were assisted. A temple gives people a place to gather, sing, share joys and sorrows. It provides a social space and sense of dignity (Narayan 40). In fact, it keeps low castes away from the temples of the high castes! The better-off Dalits are eager for acceptance in the religious sphere. In order to win additional respectability, they seek to be ultra-orthodox in lifestyle and extra-valiant in Hindutva defence, in cow protection or mob lynching. ‘Valour’ is the word today. 

Of late, the RSS has moved further down to those Dalits who are left behind by the smarter ones who took advantage of reservations. They call them “Vanchit”, as though the RSS have come to the aid of people ‘deceived’ by their colleagues (Narayan 33). They organize workshops for them, keertan mandals for women, katha mandals for the crowd (Narayan 6). They are sucked in. ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed’ works.

Taking over Social Work

Between 1980 and 1990, the Sangh established a seva prabhag for tribals in view of  the Dalits and the tribals of the Northeast. Drawing inspiration from Vivekananda and eager to neutralize Christian missionaries, they entered into the field of education, health, poverty relief, and employment (Narayan 55-57). Thus, the RSS has emerged as the biggest NGO of the country…in order to “swallow all the social groups” that opposed it (Narayan 19), with generous subsidies from the Government. There are 1800 NGOs in various sectors, including disaster relief during emergencies and natural calamities, and development (Narayan 21).

Further, there have arisen “many small social, cultural and educational outfits” closely associated with the RSS, like Rashtriya Sewa Bharti, Vidya Bharti, Vandemataram, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Keshav Sharanam, Siksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas, Shishu Shiksha Prabandh Samiti, Shakar Bharati, to spread the RSS message. Many schools and colleges in UP are “heavily influenced by the RSS”. Their sole aim is to create a “Hindu consciousness” and spread the “message of Hindutva” (Narayan 5-6). 

There is an excess of display. Evidently, the upper castes eating with the poor has a propaganda value. Teaching about Ramarajya and shared social life can attract attention (Narayan 67). Public story-telling pull people. “We know that tales and stories are deeply rooted in the Indian psyche” (Narayan 29). Narrations about Hanuman, Sugriva and Jambava (Narayan 68) get mixed up with dangers from Pakistan. Dalit and tribal heroes are required for the Pakistan and Chinese borders.  During 2019 elections, the Pulwama and Balakot events deliberately got mixed with Ram temple (Narayan 64) and Modi’s leadership. Votes came in.

Display of Empathy

The RSS has found that “listening is a good strategy to create space within the target group and ultimately bring them within their fold”. Politicians generally lack this skill (Narayan 88-89). RSS volunteers manifest “empathy”, a show of understanding of “heart and mind” (Narayan 91-92). 

Is there some hollowness somewhere? Or else, how would you explain the police record of 6000 ‘communal incidents’ that took place in UP since 2014… 259 in West UP alone? (Narayan 101). No one doubts that there is a strong bond between the RSS and the BJP. They make sure that communal divide is not a passing sentiment, but stays on as a vibrant impulse. 

“On Their On Terms”

What is most evident is that the RSS and the BJP “are willing to assimilate Dalits within their fold only on their own terms”. Every community (tribe and Dalit group) must keep its own place, despite all pretence to accommodation and flexibility. There is a hierarchical order that must be respected. 

Hence the difficulties of inter-relationship between communities. Hence the clash in educational institutions between Ambedkarites and Sangh devotees. The war of ideas and interests continues, tragedies like that of Rohith Vemula’s suicide in 2016 recur, and conflict arises over reservation issue as in 2020 (Narayan 69-71), or resistance to dam or mining undertakings in tribal areas (Narayan 77). All the while there is an ongoing drive to transform Adivasis through a ‘conversion’ into “vanvasi” Hindus (Narayan 79), as though tribals must remain vanvasis for ever!

“At the Mercy of Stronger”

What is indicative of the future is the present trend of all political parties trying to bend to the higher castes when elections come. Mayawati of the BSP found no other way forward than make an alliance of Dalit-Brahmin-Muslim. Consequently, Dalits agreed to stop criticizing Brahmin privileges (Narayan 150-51). Samajwadi Party too, doubtful of support from the Muslims, turned to the Brahmins. They began to observe Parashuram Jayanti and organize Brahmin sammelans (Narayan 153-54). So, history repeats itself: the weak have to bend and bow and crawl, and end up by being kicked around. 

India’s indigenous races have constantly yielded to the advancing Aryans, later to the dominant upper classes… and sung their praises. They have been sucked into their homogenizing world. The Pedagogy of the Oppressed repeatedly proves true. 

Manipur today is at the “mercy of the Centre”… especially the weaker group, the Kukis. More than 5000 houses were burnt, while state and central governments stood watching. Hundreds have been killed. Two-thirds of the deaths have been of Kukis. ‘They want to wipe us out’, cry Kuki women. They plead with the Assam Rifles not to leave the vulnerable areas in Kangpokpi District. 

“Brazen Indifference”

Visiting Opposition leaders in Manipur condemned the “brazen indifference” of Modi and his collaborators. What else do you expect from them? Their man, Biren, is looking after their interests. He, in turn, has handed over the state to violent groups who have the freedom to loot the nearest police station whenever they run short of weapons. So the game keeps going on. How long? Till after the next elections? Will all local privileges in the Northeast be abolished as in Kashmir? Dreadful fears!

Prakash Ambedkar, grandson of  B.R. Ambedkar, compares Manipur violence to the Gujarat genocide, a veritable ethnic cleansing. He says, the biggest contractor who runs the “shop of hate” sits in Delhi. Modiji’s apathetic indifference is the most “unexplainable psychological performance” that invites deeper study. 

Honour offered to him by America, Egypt, or France is respect shown to India. If only he looks within, he will awake to his Rajdharma. Carl Jung says, “Who looks outside, dreams; who looks inside awakes”. May he do so.

We Hope

R. Mahalakshmi of JNU was speaking about the National Education Policy when she referred to the strategy of the high and mighty against the lesser ones, minorities and marginalized. The NEP is calculated to impose hegemony over us, she says, with its exclusionary approach, otherisation, and doors to bigotry. Are we able to guess what awaits us in 2024 with EVM manipulation as Mamata says, or some showy intervention across the borders, or Chandrayan-4? 

We hope INDIA will save “the idea of India”. Then we shall be able to understand the meaning of the Vietnamese proverb “Adversity is the mother of wisdom”.  Then we shall write the ‘Pedagogy of the Alert’, not of the Oppressed.